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  • Interest Rate Hikes Will Hurt Workers to Protect Profits

    In this commentary, Centre for Future Work Associate Dr Anis Chowdhury challenges the wisdom of this strategy. Since current inflation is related more to supply chain disruptions and other global pressures, higher interest rates will do more harm than good – and shift national income even further toward the owners of capital, instead of working Australians.

    Interest Rates Hikes Will Hurt Workers to Protect Profits

    by Dr Anis Chowdhury

    The Reserve Bank’s latest interest rate hike, the fourth in a series and with more to come, will certainly slow economic activity and raise unemployment. It will hurt families, especially of the working class, who played no role in the current bout of inflation.

    Treasurer Jim Chalmers warned Parliament, “Families will now have to make more hard decisions about how to balance the household budget in the face of other pressures like higher grocery prices, and higher car prices and the cost of other essentials”.

    This is bad news, especially since many will also lose their jobs as the economy slows.

    But it didn’t have to be like this – had the RBA and other policy-makers cared to seriously consider what is driving inflation, and been less dogmatic about their inflation target and how to reach it. Many seem to have forgotten the Labor Government’s own successful experience of addressing inflation in the 1980s through social dialogue, reducing price pressures without causing unemployment to rise. Those lessons should be relearned today.

    What is driving current price rises?

    The primary source of current price pressure is not surging demand, soaring wages, or a household spending spree fueled by pent-up demand and one-off pandemic financial supports. Indeed, as RBA Governor Philip Lowe has acknowledged, “The household saving rate remains higher than it was before the pandemic and many households have built up large financial buffers”.

    Even the labour market tightening and skills shortages seen in some sectors are not the result of surging aggregate demand, but rather mostly due to the impacts of the pandemic on labour supply (including via restrictions on the inflow of migrant workers).

    Instead, the primary driver of current inflation is supply bottlenecks and blockages of goods, caused by a perfect storm of global problems: the pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and climate change’s effect on agricultural supply (and hence prices of food).

    Interest rate hikes cannot fix supply bottlenecks; instead, they will exacerbate supply problems, by discouraging investment in new capacity and infrastructure. Interest rate hikes will also impose collateral damages on government finance, in addition to causing job losses and economic hardship for struggling families.

    The Treasurer’s warning to brace for bigger real wage cuts than previously flagged is no comfort for the ordinary workers who already saw their income share in GDP steadily decline during the past four decades – while the share of GDP going to capital owners in profits continued to rise, setting record highs during the pandemic.

    A recent report from the Australia Institute found that rising prices in Australia are actually driving corporations’ profits to record highs amid a cost-of-living crisis for the rest of us. This has been enabled in large part by lack of competition. Big corporations in energy, transportation, supermarkets, and other sectors use their oligopolistic power to raise prices (and profits) far above what would be necessary simply to cover higher input costs.

    A recent study published in the UNSW Law Journal documented widespread price gouging in Australia: “a notorious practice” involving “pricing high-demand essentials at levels significantly higher than what is commonly considered acceptable, reasonable or fair”. During recent crises, including the Black Summer bushfires and then the COVID pandemic, unethical businesses exploited public desperation for basic consumer goods and services, such as hygiene products, staple foods, and utility services, to raise their profit margins.

    Why raise interest rates?

    The RBA knows it cannot fix supply shortages. Yet still it raises the interest rate, calls it a “forward-looking” strategy, and claims it will stem inflationary expectations and higher wage demands. Basically, this is a tactic to scare workers: in essence, saying to workers they must not ask for compensating wage gains or for restoring their share of domestic income, lest the Bank inflict more pain through losing jobs and livelihoods.

    Central bankers around the world sugar-coat this scare tactic by saying, “It’s short-term pain for long-term gain”. That’s easy for them to say, as no central banker ever lost his/her job for such actions, or have tasted this “short-term pain” (which can actually affect a worker and their family for decades via lost work and suppressed incomes).

    This view also ignores the fact that labour’s bargaining power has significantly declined compared to previous inflationary episodes, due to the erosion of collective bargaining and other institutional supports for wages, new technology, out-sourcing and globalisation. All these factors have driven the steady declines in labour income share and real wages. They also mean that fears of a 1970s-style “wage-price spiral” are not credible.

    The interest rate: a blunt tool

    The dogmatic stance of central bankers will cause more damage than it avoids. Even when inflation is rising, higher interest rates are not the right policy tool to tackle the problem for several reasons.

    First, the interest rate only addresses symptoms, not the root causes, of inflation. Inflation is often understood as the overheating of an economy. Like a fever, overheating of an economy can be due to many causes – fever and overheating are just symptoms. Interest rates, like Panadols or Aspirins, may relieve the overheating, but the treatment requires investigations into the root causes and appropriate medications.

    Second, changes in the interest rate affect all sectors – without distinguishing sectors that need expansion and hence credit support, from sectors that are less productive or inefficient and hence should be credit-constrained. Just as taking too many Panadols or Aspirins can have fatal side effects, hiking interest rates too often and too high can kill productive and efficient businesses along with less productive and inefficient ones.

    Third, the overall interest rate does not distinguish between households and businesses. Higher interest rates may encourage households to save, but will dampen business capital spending. Thus, overall economy-wide demand will shrink, discouraging investment in new technology, plant and equipment as well as skill-upgrading. Thus, higher interest rates adversely affect the long-term productive capacity of an economy.

    Fourth, higher interest rates will raise the debt burden for governments, business and households. Global debt burdens have been on the rise since the 2008-2009 global financial crises, and even more dramatically during the COVID crisis. Those debts (especially sovereign government debts) are manageable so long as economic growth remains robust and interest rates low. Current monetary policy, however, will negatively affect both factors: raising rates and slowing growth. That could set the stage for debt problems down the road.

    Monetary tightening will have implications for fiscal policy, too. A slower economy implies less tax revenues and more social security payments. Government is already under pressure to continue pandemic support measures, such as financial assistance for workers without paid sick leave as well as cost-of-living supports. Planned Stage Three tax cuts, if they go ahead, would further undermine Commonwealth government revenues. For state governments, heavily reliant on stamp duties, a collapse of the housing market would devastate their budget bottom-lines.

    Paradoxically, higher interest rates can even feed into higher costs of living, as indebted households’ debt-servicing costs (especially on mortgages) rise. The cost of living would also rise if businesses with market power pass on their own higher interest costs to consumers through still higher prices.

    Policy innovation

    As mentioned earlier, the current inflationary surge is due to supply shortages of key products, such as food and fuel. Therefore, the long-term solution requires expansion of supply and removal of bottlenecks. Perversely, however, higher interest rates force overall demand to shrink down to match aggregate supply. That can slow price increases, but leaves underlying supply constraints for key products unaddressed – hence not addressing the underlying causes of inflation.

    Therefore, policymakers should consider innovative and more appropriate policy tools to respond to current price pressures. The focus of anti-inflationary policy should be changed radically from suppressing domestic demand to enhancing supply and productivity; from restricting credit indiscriminately to easing financing constraints for key and ‘sun-rise’ industries (e.g., renewable energy) while tightening financial conditions for inefficient (e.g., polluting) and speculative activities (e.g., real estate).

    This would mean designing macroeconomic policies to support industrialisation and economic diversification. Instead of reacting to inflationary symptoms with a lone blunt policy tool (the interest rate), policymakers should wield a mix of fiscal and monetary policy levers: using them to unlock supply bottlenecks, enhance productivity, and encourage savings and productive investments (especially to decarbonise the economy).

    Each of these goals needs innovative and customised policy tools, rather than a one-size-fits-all reliance on interest rates to throw cold water over the entire economy.

    Social partnership

    Inflation and responses to it inevitably involve social conflicts over economic distribution. The ‘social dialogue’ approach of Labor Prime Minister Bob Hawke contrasted with the more confrontational approaches of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan – and their deliberate use of punishing interest rates to inflict long recessions in the 1980s.

    In contrast, social dialogue in Australia not only brought down inflation and unemployment simultaneously in the 1980s, but also enabled difficult reforms – including floating exchange rates and lower import tariffs. That set the stage for sustained economic growth in years to come.

    The new Labor Government needs to earnestly begin rebuilding that model of social partnership to confront not only current inflation challenges, but the more existential threats of climate change and shifts in the global order.

    The government must also not miss the opportunity to review the RBA’s mandate and operations, including better balancing its board with a more representative variety of stakeholders (including workers). The economy does not work in a vacuum, and should not be entrusted to technocrats. Policies and reforms affect real lives and livelihoods. The RBA needs to understand, and hear, the voices and preferences of all Australians, not just financiers and employers.

    The post Interest Rate Hikes Will Hurt Workers to Protect Profits appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • A decade of real wages growth lost as prices soar ahead of wages growth

    Given prices grew 6.1%, but wages are expected only to achieve around 2.7% growth in the 12 months to June, it remains abundantly clear that inflation is not being driven by labour costs. Indeed given real wages have likely fallen around 3.4% in the past year, wages are currently extremely deflationary.

    Real wages have now fallen for 8 consecutive quarters sending the purchasing power of employees back to 2012 levels.

    While the economy has rebounded and profits have risen strongly with that of prices, the “recovery” from the pandemic has very much been on the backs of workers who have effectively lost a decade’s worth of growth in real wages.

    Even worse, given the greatest price rises have occurred for essential commodities, it is clear low to median income workers are hurting much more than those who devote less of their spending on essentials than does the average household.

    All this is occurring with unemployment at near 50-year lows. It is now abundantly clear that the labour market systematically disempowers employees and needs to be reformed.

    The post A decade of real wages growth lost as prices soar ahead of wages growth appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • The Job Summit needs to produce a fairer labour market

    This has not happened by accident or some “invisible hand” of the free market. Decades of industrial relations legislation has purposefully reduced the ability for workers to organise and bargain for better wages.

    Labour market policy director, Greg Jericho writes in Guardian Australia that we are now also seeing for the first time a shift in the relationship between wages and underutilisation.

    These changes have meant that employees are receiving ever smaller slices of the national income pie.

    The past 24 years have also displayed that theory of increasing productivity resulting in better wages, works better in the economic textbook than reality. In just 7 of those 24 years, have real wages outgrown productivity – and 4 of those year were because of highly unusual cases of productivity actually declining.

    The Job Summit in September needs to be a time for a reset – a time to acknowledge that the labour market is not fairly weighted and that workers are not getting their fair share.

    The post The Job Summit needs to produce a fairer labour market appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • Will curing inflation cause a recession?

    Labour market and fiscal policy director, Greg Jericho writes in Guardian Australia that the rising level of inflation, which combined with low wages growth has led to massive falls in real wages, has many Australians wondering if increasing interest rates is going bring the economy to a halt.

    He writes that for now a recession is unlikely, but the risks remain. Previous periods of sharply increasing rates have been followed by rising unemployment, and the current market expectations for the cash rate rising above 3.5% within a year would certainly create a massive brake on the economy.

    The story from overseas is also worrying, with the United States battling even higher inflation than Australia and suggestions that the market is already pricing in a recession.

    It all highlights that while today’s labour force figures are on the surface very promising, they also show just how affected the economy continues to be by the pandemic. Nearly 300,000 employed in June worked zero hours because of sickness or injury – well over double the usual amount.

    The nearly 50-year low unemployment rates are also failing to lead to wages growth anywhere near what would have been expected in previous years, let alone at a level that is keeping up with inflation.

    While inflationary pressure do remain, the risk that the Reserve Bank will raise rates too high and too fast remains very much in place – especially given the lack of wages growth.

    The post Will “curing” inflation cause a recession? appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • Profits push up prices too, so why is the RBA governor only talking about wages?

    Reserve Bank of Australia governor Phillip Lowe has invoked memories of the 1970s, warning wage growth must be restrained to contain Australia’s surging inflation.

    In the 1970s, Lowe said last week, “we got into trouble because wages growth responded mechanically to the higher inflation rate”. Now, with inflation above 5%, and tipped to reach 7% by the end of the year, he wants want people to keep in mind an “anchoring point” for wage growth of 3.5%.

    That 3.5% represents the central bank’s long-standing judgement that wage growth equal to the RBA’s ideal inflation target (2.5%) plus productivity growth (typically more than 1% a year, currently above 2%) is economically sustainable.

    Lowe says “if wage increases become common in the 4% and 5% range” that will make it harder to get inflation back to his target. But that prospect seems so remote it’s a wonder why he focused on it. Particularly when he said nothing about about the role of ever higher profits on increasing prices.

    Wages increases aren’t the problem.

    Nominal wage growth has languished well below that 3.5% benchmark since 2012. The last time wages grew at more than 4% was 2009.

    Over the past decade, wages have fallen further and further behind the level implied by the RBA’s magic formula. During this time Lowe (governor since 2016) repeatedly cited weak wages as a key factor keeping inflation below the bank’s 2-3% target – but nothing happened.

    So why is he now ringing alarm bells about wages growing too fast? It’s not at all clear when broad wage growth will even regain 3.5%, let alone surge faster.

    The Fair Work Commission’s decision this month to raise the minimum wage by 5.2% and wages for other award-covered workers by 4.6% will boost the pay for about a quarter of workers. But even that can’t be considered “inflationary” by any stretch of imagination. In real terms, the minimum wage will fall again this year, as it did last year.

    Most other workers have little chance of doing as well.

    Wage gains from enterprise bargaining agreements (covering about 35% of workers) remain subdued. In the latest 12-month period they delivered an average increase of just 2.6%.

    For the 38% of workers on individual contracts – now the most common pay-setting method in Australia’s individualised labour market – there is even less reason to expect wage growth to suddenly accelerate.

    Profits have played a bigger role

    Labour is not the only component in production costs: a considerable profit margin is also built into final prices. In fact, after decades of capital’s share of GDP increasing while labour’s declines, those profits have become more important in price-setting.

    That’s a big change from the 1970s, when the narrative about wage-driven inflation became so firmly locked into the national policy discourse.

    Indeed, by the end of 2021, corporations made 62 cents in gross profit for every dollar they paid in labour compensation. That’s the highest in history – and more than twice the rate in the 1970s.

    Yet while the RBA warns darkly about rising labour costs, the growing importance of profits in driving higher prices is not mentioned. This reflects an ideological bias that wages are a “cost” item that must be tightly controlled, while profit is assumed to be a legitimate “reward” to businesses that efficiently supply the market with something valuable.

    Calculating profit costs
    The Australian Bureau of Statistics calculates several measures of unit labour costs – the cost of employing labour per “unit” of production. It does not publish a measure of “unit profit cost” – what gets paid in profit per unit of production. But perhaps it should. That might motivate greater attention to the role of profit margins in current inflation.

    In lieu of ABS data, however, we can create a broad measure of unit profit cost by comparing the growth of nominal corporate profits to the growth of real output (similar to the methodology for measuring unit labour costs).

    As shown in the following graph, since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic unit profit cost has surged 24%, compared with a 4% increase in the nominal unit labour cost (which, being over two years, is still below the RBA’s inflation target.

    Blaming the victims
    Warnings about wages misdiagnose the source of current inflation. They blame the victims of falling real wages for a problem they did not cause.

    The RBA acknowledges the upsurge in inflation was initially fuelled by COVID-19 disruptions – including supply chain problems, global energy prices and major (but temporary) shifts in the composition of consumer demand.

    But corporations with pricing power (particularly potent in sectors like energy, housing and groceries) took advantage of those disruptions to fatten their profit margins. They have profited from inflation, while workers lost out.

    Now workers are being told they must swallow further real wage cuts to fix the inflation that enriched their employers.

    Once the RBA confronts the issue of inflated profits as both a cause and a consequence of current inflation, we then might discuss labour’s role. Until then, workers are justified in fighting to protect their real incomes.

    The post Profits push up prices too, so why is the RBA governor only talking about wages? appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • Employer Arguments Against Minimum Wage Boost Don’t Hold Water

    Even with this new increase, however, real wages for the lowest-paid Australian workers are likely to go backwards this year, with inflation pegged to accelerate to as much as 7%. Nevertheless, Australia’s business lobby are repeating tired old complaints about minimum wages being too high, stoking further inflation, and undermining profits.

    In his latest commentary, published in The Guardian, Policy Director Greg Jericho reviews and debunks these predictable complaints. The evidence is clear that wages are not causing inflation. Profit margins have grown along with prices. Workers deserve to have their real incomes protected, as the true sources of the problem (arising mostly from after-effects of the pandemic and the global energy price shock) are addressed.

    Please see Greg’s full column, “Workers and their wages are the collateral damage of the war on inflation.”

    The post Employer Arguments Against Minimum Wage Boost Don’t Hold Water appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • The recovery needs to deliver for workers

    As we now enter a phase where the Reserve Bank is raising interest rates in an effort to reduce demand in the economy and keep down inflation and prices and wages, labour market policy director, Greg Jericho, notes in his Guardian Australia column that workers risk seeing their real wages continue to fall.

    It is clear that the major pressures for inflation have come not from labour costs but from the input costs of goods and material. While these costs have been passed on to consumers, there has been much less flow through to workers.

    While the Reserve Bank notes that there are some signs of rising wages, these will inevitably be reduced due to the impacts of rising interest rates.

    After a year in which real wages have plummeted, the recovery is very much looking like one where company profits have risen, but where workers will miss out on wage growth that would undo the damage of the past year.

    The post The recovery needs to deliver for workers appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • GDP figures show workers are losing out

    The national accounts released on Wednesday revealed that in the first 3 months of 2022 a record level of national income is going to corporate profits. At the same time real unit labour costs for non-farm workers fell 2.3%. Labour market and fiscal policy director, Greg Jericho, notes in his column in Guardian Australia that real (non-farm) unit labour costs are now 5.3% below where they were before the pandemic.

    This data provides a strong fact check to arguments that workers need to take a pay cut to prevent rising inflation. The increase in inflation is not coming from labour costs, indeed workers are feeling the pain while in the words of the Bureau of Statistics, “Australian businesses benefited from rising prices.”

    The GDP figures reveal that far from needing workers to be the ones who need to shoulder the burden of rising inflation, they clearly already have been the ones who have hurt the most. Asking them to continue to take real wage cuts will not help the economy, it will only exacerbate the shift of income going to profits and not to employees.

    The post GDP figures show workers are losing out appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • Unemployment Rate Does Not Tell the Whole Story

    In this commentary, CFW Associate Dr Anis Chowdhury explains why a lower unemployment rate, on its own, is not a solution to Australia’s labour market and social challenges.

    Don’t Be Fooled: A Lower Unemployment Rate is Not a Magic Bullet

    Two days before the federal election, comes news that Australia’s unemployment rate had slipped below 4% in March, to 3.9% – the lowest rate in 48 years.

    But this aggregate number hides some hard realities for struggling vulnerable people. For example, the youth unemployment rate increased to 8.8%. About 3 million Australian workers lack basic job security. That includes some 2.4 million workers in casual positions, with no paid leave entitlements. A further 500,000 are on fixed-term contracts. A survey by PwC found that anxiety about the economic future intensified due to the pandemic. Some 56% of Australians now believe few people will have stable, long-term employment in the future (more than two years).

    Meanwhile, the labour force participation rate decreased to 66.3% in March as workers continue to suffer from the pandemic’s scars – including mental health challenges and long COVID’s debilitating health issues. So this apparent labour market tightening is misleading: it is mainly due to this decline in the participation rate, as well as pandemic restrictions on migrant workers (including students and seasonal travellers) which have sharply constrained the size of Australia’s labour force.

    Most telling, Australia’s recent falling unemployment rate is having little effect on wages growth; wages grew 2.4% in the year to March, up only marginally on the 2.3% from the previous reading; and less than half the 5.1% rate of inflation.

    Rising interest rates will now deliver a further blow to the living conditions of ordinary citizens as they struggle to service their debts. With household debt equal to about 120% of annual GDP, Australian households are among the most indebted in the world. As the Reserve Bank is poised to raise interest rates further, Andrew McKellar of the Australian Chamber of Commerce has warned that Australians “have to be very careful”; interest rate hikes are “set to affect Australian businesses nationwide across a number of sectors”.

    So it’s not being alarmist to warn that a recession could be just around the corner: one that would see unemployment rising alongside inflation. The Reserve Bank has little control over the factors (mainly global supply chain disruptions, and rising food and fuel prices) that have led the current cost-of-living inflation. Past history suggests that central banks’ efforts to disinflate the economy produce slower growth, higher unemployment, and often recessions.

    Address the deeper malaises

    No matter who wins the current federal election, the incoming government will have to tackle deeper malaises in the Australian economy. They include stagnating productivity growth and the falling labour income share in GDP.

    Australia’s aggregate labour productivity growth (real output per hour) has stayed mainly in a band between 1.2 and 2.5% per year during the last 50 years; it fell to 0.2% during 2018-2019, but has rebounded since the pandemic (averaging 2% per year from end-2019 through end-2021). Productivity growth is a key source of long term economic and income growth, and as such, is an important determinant of a country’s average living standards. Productivity gains also drive down the cost of goods and services and enhance international competitiveness.

    The impact of productivity growth on standards of living has been undermined, however, by capital’s capture of productivity gains. Real wages have grown much more slowly than real labour productivity (and now, with surging inflation, real wages are falling rapidly). Thus, labour income’s share in Australia steadily declined from the peak of around 58.5% in the mid-1970s to a record low of 46% of GDP at end-2021, as the gap between productivity growth and real wage growth widened.

    Among many factors, wage-suppressing policies and increased job insecurity have contributed to this dismal outcome. More than half of Australian participants in the PwC survey (61%) felt the government should act to protect jobs, with that opinion more acute among 18-34 year-olds (63%) than those over 65 (50%).

    Both the Reserve Bank of Australia and Treasury have made clear, Australia’s low wage growth is a major drag on the economy. But low wage growth was not accidental; the former Coalition Finance Minister, Matthias Cormann, now OECD Secretary-General, described (downward) flexibility in the rate of wage growth as “a deliberate design feature of our economic architecture”.

    Looking after workers is good economic policy

    Coalition leaders attacked Labor leader Albanese’s support for raising the minimum wage, claiming without evidence that a big increase in the minimum wage might force some workplaces to close. The business lobbies also joined the chorus.

    But is this opposition to higher wages grounded in good economics? The available historical evidence, as well as theoretical considerations, say: “no”.

    Robert Bosch, the German industrialist, engineer and inventor, founder of Robert Bosch GmbH (electrical co), introduced 8-hour working days in 1906, free Saturdays in 1910, and other benefits for his workers. He said: “I don’t pay good wages because I have a lot of money; I have a lot of money because I pay good wages.”

    Henry Ford, the American industrialist, the founder of the Ford Motor Company, and developer of the assembly line, doubled the pay of his workers to $5 a day in 1914. In justifying his decision he said: “Of course the higher wage drew a more productive worker. But that wasn’t the real reason. The fact was, it was no good mass-producing a cheap automobile if there weren’t masses of workers and farmers who could afford to buy it.”

    Both Bosch and Ford realised that better pay and working conditions attract better workers and raise their productivity. They also knew that better pay and working conditions also lead to higher sales and revenues. Therefore, overall profit rises despite a higher labour cost. It is no wonder that both their companies not only survived but also became leading global companies.

    Singapore, which began its industrialisation by initially taking advantage of cheap labour, has used a deliberate high-wage policy since the early 1980s to move toward high value-added activities. It thus maintained its dynamism not by cutting wages and working conditions, but by incentivising companies (in part through higher wages) to upgrade skills and technology, and hence improve productivity.

    In other words, regular upward adjustment of wages can be an effective industry policy tool for accelerating innovation, upgrading, and productivity. Hence, higher wages and better working conditions do not necessarily cause loss of competitiveness in the international market.

    Industry-wide bargaining can boost productivity and real wages

    More than half a century ago two leading Australian academics – WEG Salter and Eric Russel – argued for tying wage increases in any industry to productivity trends across the whole industry, through a system of industry-wide bargaining. By adhering to industry-wide average productivity-based wage increases, they argued, industry bargaining raises relative unit labour costs of firms with below-industry-average productivity, thereby forcing them to improve their productivity or else exit the industry. At the same time, firms with above-industry-average productivity enjoy lower unit labour costs, hence higher profit rates for reinvestment – favouring the growth of more efficient firms. As mentioned earlier, Singapore used this approach to restructure its industry in the 1980s towards higher value-added activities, with great success.

    In contrast, trying to compete on the basis of low wages is a recipe for failure. Low-wage countries typically demonstrate lower productivity; and research by a leading French economist, Edmond Malinvaud, showed that a reduction in wage rates has a depressing effect on capital intensity.

    Salter’s research implies that the availability of a growing pool of low paid workers makes firms complacent with regard to innovation and technological or skill upgrading. Under-paid labour provides a way for inefficient producers and obsolete technologies to survive. Firms become caught in a low-level productivity trap from which they have little incentive to escape – a form of ‘Gresham’s Law,’ whereby bad labour standards drive out good. The discipline imposed on all firms as a result of negotiated industry-wide wage increases forces all of them to innovate and become more efficient.

    Need wide-ranging policy shifts

    Of course, industry-wide bargaining alone cannot solve all the problems of wage inequity or wage stagnation. It must be part of a broader suite of policy measures, to provide all-round support for greater equality and inclusive prosperity.

    For example, the next government should also address the system that produces sky-rocketing executive pay at the expense of workers. The annual CEO pay survey shows a drastic jump of an average of 24% during the pandemic, with annual bonuses soaring by 67% – the highest increase in recent record, while workers are suffering real income losses.

    A lower marginal tax rate is one of the incentives for the executives to pay themselves heftily, but tax cuts are not found to boost growth or employment. Share options for CEOs, which encourage job cuts and discourage re-investment, also must be reined in.

    If anything is making the Australian economy vulnerable, it is the growing economic disparity between self-serving executive compensation and stagnant wages for the rest of the population.

    The post Unemployment Rate Does Not Tell the Whole Story appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.

  • Real wages plummet and will take years to recover

    Labour market policy director, Greg Jericho notes in his Guardian Australia column that the fall in real wages has been the worst since the introduction of the GST and in the first 3 months of this year real wages fell 1.5%.

    So steep has been the fall that real wages are now back essentially to where they were at the time of the September 2013 election.

    The fall highlights that talk about Australia having recovered from the pandemic ignores the most basic aspect of the economy – the living standards of workers from their wages.

    The fall is such that even with the RBA’s estimates of solid wage growth recovery over the next two years, should Australia return to pre-pandemic trend real wages growth, it would take till 2031 to recover workers purchasing power back to the levels of 2020.

    That would we a lost decade of living standards.

    The post Real wages plummet and will take years to recover appeared first on The Australia Institute's Centre for Future Work.